Nigeria's government threatened to prosecute a critic for spreading a video he didn't make. The courts are fighting over who actually controls the 2027 election calendar. And the main opposition party went into its own presidential primary today as two different parties with two different candidates. Meanwhile Eberechi Eze sent a message to his old club before they made history last night.
Here's what happened.
- The Presidency accused VDM of spreading fake audio of Tinubu. His lawyers say he never shared it. Here's what the audio claimed. Here's what the response reveals.
- A court voided INEC's 2027 election timetable. INEC is now fighting to get it back. Nobody has explained who controls the calendar.
- The PDP held its presidential primary today with two candidates, two factions, and two different ideas of what the party even is.
- Diaspora Nigerians are the primary audience for Nigerian political content online. The VDM story is a warning about what that now costs.
- The Question: If the Presidency can threaten to prosecute someone for sharing a video they didn't share and faced no political cost for the mistake. Who exactly is expected to verify things in this country?
- Ajosepo 2 opens in cinemas today. And last night, Crystal Palace won Europe.
Let's dig deeper. Here's what it means.
1. PROSECUTE WITHOUT VERIFYING
Nigeria's Presidency called for the arrest of a social media critic over a fake Tinubu audio clip. His lawyers confirmed he didn't make it or share it. The Presidency apparently didn't check before making the call.
Here's what the audio claimed.
A voice mimicking President Tinubu said that insecurity in Nigeria would continue because Nigerians didn't vote for him in 2023. The same voice said people had been trying to remove him from office but it wasn't possible. It said he didn't care what was happening. He was winning 2027 regardless. It touched on the South-East, on World Bank borrowing, on the 2027 elections.
None of that was Tinubu. It was AI-generated audio . It was fabricated, placed into a video, and circulated online. The voice sounded like the President. The words were invented.
The clip spread quickly. An X user flagged it, linking it to Martins Vincent Otse, the social media critic better known as VDM. On Wednesday, Bayo Onanuga, the President's Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, posted on X calling VDM the conveyor and disseminator of the fake audio. He said VDM needed to face the full weight of the law. He called it an egregious abuse of social media.
There was one problem.
VDM's lawyers at Deji Adeyanju & Partners issued a statement the same day saying a basic check of their client's verified social media accounts would confirm he neither made nor shared the recording. The audio was not on any of his platforms. They called on security agencies to investigate the actual source of the doctored clip and hold the real creators accountable.
VDM himself went live, called Onanuga stupid and daft, and said he was ready to fly back early to face whatever the government planned. He said: "If you are pained that VDM is speaking, what option do I have other than to speak? It is my right to criticise the government when it is doing wrong."
Now sit with the sequence.
Someone created an AI-generated audio of the President saying things the President never said. Someone else clipped it into a video and posted it online. A third person, an anonymous X account, linked that video to VDM. And the President's media aide, with the full machinery of the Presidency behind him, called for prosecution without first establishing whether VDM had any connection to the clip at all.
This is not a story about whether the audio was fake. It was fake. That part is clear. This is a story about the order of operations. The call for prosecution came before the verification. The threat was issued and then the lawyers had to correct the record.
Let's dig deeper.
VDM has a history with powerful people and with courts. A court ordered his arrest in March 2025 over defamation allegations from gospel singer Mercy Chinwo. He's been a persistent critic of the government, of celebrities, of institutions. He is not a fragile figure and he is not above scrutiny.
But none of that is relevant to what happened on Wednesday. The Presidency of Nigeria responded to viral AI-generated disinformation by naming a critic and calling for prosecution. It didn't first establish whether the critic was responsible.
This isn't new either. The Cybercrime Act has been used repeatedly against bloggers and social media users who embarrassed the government rather than those who actually committed cybercrimes. The law exists. The reflex to reach for it before verifying has a long record in this country.
VDM has said things about people that courts have found problematic. The same free speech that protects his political commentary has also, on occasion, been used to damage people who had no recourse. Both things are true.
What is also true is this. Eighteen months before a presidential election, the Presidency of Nigeria demonstrated that when a critic's name lands near a fake audio clip, the instinct is not to investigate. The instinct is to threaten.
That is the thing worth filing. Not the audio. The response.
2. WHO RUNS THE CLOCK
A Federal High Court voided INEC's 2027 election timetable. INEC appealed immediately and asked for a stay of execution. The question nobody is answering out loud is who actually controls Nigeria's election schedule.
On 20 May, Justice Muhammed Umar of the Federal High Court in Abuja ruled that portions of INEC's 2027 election guidelines were illegal. The case was brought by the Youth Party. The specific issue was INEC's requirement that political parties submit their membership registers and databases by 10 May as a condition for participating in the 2027 elections. The court held that INEC had no legal authority to set that deadline. Section 29(1) of the Electoral Act 2026 gives parties a specific timeframe to submit candidate details, and INEC can't shorten that window unilaterally.
The ruling also voided INEC's broader timetable for party primaries and the nomination of candidates on the same grounds.
Five days later, INEC filed nine grounds of appeal at the Court of Appeal in Abuja and simultaneously applied for a stay of execution. What that means in plain terms: INEC wants the court to let it continue operating under the timetable the judge just said was illegal, while the appeal is heard.
This is the part that matters for everyone who is not a lawyer.
The APC finished its presidential primaries under INEC's now-voided timetable. Tinubu got the APC ticket at a direct primary with nearly 11 million votes counted. The PDP is holding its primaries today under the same timetable. If the stay isn't granted and the appeal takes months, every primary conducted under the old schedule sits in legal uncertainty.
This isn't new. Nigerian courts have voided election processes before. Candidacy screenings, primary results, INEC-issued guidelines. The country has lurched through uncertainty until a higher court resolved it. Often on the eve of the election itself. The people who lose in these situations are not the parties or INEC. They're the voters who show up having no idea what the legal status of the candidate they're voting for actually is.
The stay application will be heard. A decision will come. But the 2027 election calendar is now being written simultaneously by INEC, the courts, and whichever lawyers file the next suit. That's not a reformed electoral process. It's the same argument dressed in newer paperwork.
3. TWO PARTIES CALLED PDP
Nigeria's main opposition party held its 2027 presidential primary today. Two factions ran two separate exercises and produced two different candidates. That's not a primary. That's a fracture.
The Turaki-led faction of the PDP cleared former President Goodluck Jonathan as its sole presidential candidate by waiver . He was screened and selected without appearing in person. His lawyers were there. Jonathan wasn't.
Two primaries. Two candidates. One party name.
On Tuesday, a Federal High Court had cleared Jonathan to contest the 2027 election, dismissing a suit that argued his prior service made him constitutionally ineligible. Justice Peter Lifu said the matter had been settled by previous courts and declined to reopen it. The Turaki faction immediately celebrated the ruling as clearing the path for Jonathan's "presidential rescue mission."
Jonathan, notably, has not publicly committed to running. He accepted the nomination form. He didn't show up for screening. The party gave him a waiver anyway.
This is the opposition Nigeria is looking at eighteen months before a presidential election. The PDP in 2023 ran Atiku Abubakar as a unified candidate and lost. What the party is running in 2026 is a factional dispute so deep that it has produced two simultaneous primaries with two separate results and two separate claims to legitimacy. Both sides will go to court. The courts will produce a ruling. One faction will reject it. This cycle is familiar.
The calculation for the voter who wants an alternative to Tinubu is bleak. The ADC fractured before its own primary. Labour Party couldn't set a primary date without revising it. The PDP is splitting in real time. The opposition's structural problem isn't a candidate problem. It's that the organisations themselves are not functioning at the level required to contest a national election with 200 million people.
Jonathan's name on the ticket changes the headline. It doesn't change the organisation.
4. THE FORWARD
For diaspora Nigerians, Nigerian political content arrives through phones, not newspapers. The VDM case is a warning about the information environment they're already inside.
Think about where you got this story.
Not from a Nigerian television broadcast. Not from a newspaper vendor in Lagos. From a WhatsApp message, a Twitter thread, a screenshot somebody forwarded. That is how Nigerian political news travels to the diaspora. It moves fast, it arrives without context, and by the time a correction follows, the original claim has already been shared three hundred times.
The AI-generated Tinubu audio circulated online as if it were real. It sounded convincing enough that people forwarded it. It was specific enough to feel credible. It named insecurity, the South-East, the 2027 elections. The Presidency's own media aide responded to it as if the story were already established fact, calling for prosecution before anyone confirmed the basic details.
For a diaspora Nigerian in Manchester or Croydon or Houston, the problem isn't that the audio was fake. The problem is that distinguishing the fake from the real now requires time and resources most people don't have. You have a job. You have a family. You have sixty WhatsApp messages waiting. You cannot fact-check everything.
What AI-generated audio does to political information is specific. It removes the last reliable anchor. You couldn't trust government press releases. You learned not to trust anonymous blog posts. You developed a nose for what sounded too convenient. But voice? A clip of a man saying exactly the words you already suspected he thought? That lands differently. The confirmation bias gets a soundtrack.
Nigeria's Cybercrime Act has been used against bloggers and critics before. The risk is not just that wrong information spreads. It's that the infrastructure designed to correct it can also be used to silence the people doing the correcting.
The diaspora Nigerian sending money home every month, watching the news to decide whether to visit, trying to help a sibling plan a route out, is operating in this environment. Not by choice. Because this is where the information lives.
The person in the WhatsApp group who usually waits before forwarding things? The one who says "let me verify first"? That person is doing important work right now. They just don't know it yet.
5. THE QUESTION
The Presidency of Nigeria called for the prosecution of a social media critic for spreading a fake audio clip of the President.
His lawyers confirmed the audio wasn't on any of his platforms.
The Presidency apparently didn't check before making the call.
No correction was issued. No apology. No statement saying they looked again and the link to this individual was wrong. Just the original threat, followed by the lawyers' denial, followed by silence from the people who issued the threat.
Here is what I've been sitting with since Wednesday.
There is a process in Nigeria for verifying claims before acting on them. Journalists do it. Lawyers do it. Courts are supposed to do it. But when it comes to social media, the government has shown repeatedly that the process runs in reverse. Threaten first. Let the accused prove innocence later. The burden lands on the wrong person.
This week made that visible again. But I want to ask the harder question.
If the Presidency can call for your prosecution without first checking the facts, face no cost when they got it wrong, and move on without correcting the record. What does that tell you about who is expected to verify things in this country? The government has the resources. The government has the platforms. The government has the legal infrastructure. And the government couldn't be bothered to check before going public.
If you get something wrong on social media in Nigeria, the law is waiting for you. If the government gets it wrong about you, the law is apparently not the relevant frame.
That asymmetry is not an accident. It's a design. And the 2027 election is eighteen months away.
6. THE GATHERING
Ajosepo 2 opens in cinemas today. Last night, Crystal Palace made history in Leipzig. There's a Nigerian thread in both.
Ajosepo 2: The Gathering opens in Nigerian cinemas today, directed by Kayode Kasum and starring Toyin Abraham, Timini Egbuson, Bisola Aiyeola, and Mercy Aigbe. It's the sequel to the 2024 family comedy about wedding chaos, grown families, and the wahala that arrives when everyone gets back in the same house. If you watched the first one, you already know you're going to see this one.
Meanwhile, last night in Leipzig, Crystal Palace beat Rayo Vallecano 1-0 to win the UEFA Conference League . It was their first European trophy. Eberechi Eze sent a message to his former teammates before kick-off. "I'm trusting you're gonna do it." Eze is Nigerian-heritage, left Palace for Arsenal this season. He scored the FA Cup winner last year that got Palace into Europe in the first place. He then left for his boyhood club Arsenal, helped them win the Premier League, and will play in the Champions League final on Saturday. His old club used the door he opened to walk all the way to a European trophy.
Nollywood has a film out today about family, reunion, and the kind of mess that only happens when everyone you love is in the same room. Last night a footballer who left his football family behind watched them win something he helped build.
That's Thursday.
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