THE POISON LETTER

Monday, 16 February 2026

The man walking into the EFCC this morning also claims the government imported a toxin to kill him

Here's what today looks like in Nigeria

At 10am this morning, former Kaduna governor Nasir El-Rufai is scheduled to walk into the EFCC's offices in Abuja. Voluntarily, his lawyers say. The same man who, yesterday, published a letter to the National Security Adviser accusing the Tinubu government of procuring approximately 10 kilograms of thallium sulphate from a supplier in Poland. A colourless, odourless, tasteless poison.

He says the opposition learned about it through intercepted communications. The NSA's office says it never happened. The Presidency says El-Rufai is "playing to the gallery." The DSS, which grabbed his passport at the airport on Thursday without producing a warrant, has not commented.

Welcome to the 2027 election season.

El-Rufai returned to Nigeria four days ago from medical treatment in Egypt. He'd already told BBC Hausa he expected to be arrested. Four of his former aides had been detained, and Abubakar Malami, the former Attorney-General now in the same ADC opposition coalition, was already in custody. When his Egypt Air flight landed on Thursday, DSS operatives were waiting. No warrant. No official invitation they could produce when he asked to see it. They took his passport anyway.

What stopped them from taking him too wasn't a court order. It was ordinary Nigerians in the arrivals hall who surrounded the scene and refused to move until the operatives stood down.

That's the first thing to hold onto: the constitution working, for one man, one afternoon, because strangers decided it should.

El-Rufai is not a sympathetic figure in the uncomplicated sense.

As governor of Kaduna State, he oversaw a demolition programme that displaced tens of thousands of residents without adequate compensation. His administration's handling of farmer-herder violence drew repeated criticism from human rights organisations. He invoked security frameworks against critics. He is someone who wielded the instruments of state power aggressively and is now discovering what those instruments feel like from the other side.

Both things are true simultaneously. The violation at the airport was real. His history with constitutional rights for others is also real. His own words at the Daily Trust Dialogue in January land differently when you know the record: "detention without court order must end."

The system that protected him for years is now pointed at him. That's not just his story. That's how the machine works.

Now he's accusing that machine of importing poison.

Thallium sulphate is historically used as a rodenticide. It's been banned in most countries because of how easy it is to weaponise. Colourless, odourless, tasteless, lethal in small doses. El-Rufai's letter to NSA Nuhu Ribadu, dated January 30 but published Sunday, asks six specific questions: what is it for, who supplied it, how is it stored, what do NAFDAC and the NCDC know about it, and has any public health risk assessment been done?

He copied the letter to NAFDAC, the NCDC, and the national chairmen of the ADC and PDP. That's not the behaviour of someone making a vague insinuation. That's someone creating a paper trail.

The NSA's office dared him to submit evidence to the DSS for investigation. The DSS. The same agency whose operatives took his passport at the airport.

The Presidency called his letter "mischievous." They say he received a response from the NSA and should release it publicly. El-Rufai also alleged on live television that he knows it was Ribadu who gave the order for his airport interception, because the opposition has been listening to calls too.

None of this can be independently verified. All of it is being said, on record, by a former governor who is walking into a government building this morning.

Here's the pattern underneath the drama.

Every opposition figure who has joined the ADC is now under legal pressure. El-Rufai faces EFCC and ICPC summons. Malami is detained. Kwankwaso has a US Congress bill naming him for sanctions. Atiku is fighting a different set of legal battles. Amaechi has been under investigation for years.

The ADC is where Nigeria's most prominent opposition gathered after the 2023 election. It is now, systematically, where legal jeopardy has followed.

That may be accountability. Several of these figures governed in ways that invite genuine scrutiny. But accountability and timing are different things. When pressure arrives simultaneously on everyone who joined the same coalition, eighteen months before an election, the pattern is worth naming regardless of the guilt or innocence of any individual.

The question for ordinary Nigerians isn't whether El-Rufai is corrupt. It's whether the institution deciding that question is independent enough to answer it honestly.

Today's answer, given by the airport, given by the thallium letter, given by the silence from the DSS, is not encouraging.

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Publishing Editor: Adeyemi EKO

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